More and more female politicians are standing in the Pakistan general election – and they see it as a chance to challenge the wealthy male elite
When Pakistan's new foreign minister arrived in India for talks in 2011 it triggered a media storm on both sides of the border – not because of policy but a Birkin bag. Hina Rabbani Khar, at 34 Pakistan's youngest and first female foreign minister, was put under international scrutiny for her pearl necklaces, Cavalli sunglasses and expensive handbags. "A guy in my place would never get such attention – nobody would be talking about his suit," she said at the time.
Powerful women the world over are evaluated on their appearance, but in Pakistan there are additional cultural constraints. However, as the country gears up for Saturday's general election– its first ever transition from one elected government to another – female politicians are standing up to change their future at the ballot box.
Figures released by the Election Commission show a 129.8% increase in the number of women contesting general seats since the 2008 election. As well as Khar, Pakistan has had a female prime minister in Benazir Bhutto and currently has Fehmida Mirza as speaker. Reserved seats for women have always been guaranteed in Pakistan's constitution, and over the years the number of quota seats has increased due to the efforts of activists. While reserved seats are improving representation (it stands at 22.5%, the same as in the UK, and better than the US's 17.8%), these women are predominantly from elite backgrounds. Those from poorer families remain excluded from the political system and, at the far end of the spectrum, many women are so disenfranchised that they cannot vote.
South Asia, despite its social conservatism, has a long history of female representation, with political systems often heavily dominated by a few families. Women such as Bhutto and India's Indira Gandhi stood in place of their father or husband, the family name allowing them to step outside traditional female roles: Khar contested elections because her father Noor was disqualified. Despite her swift rise to the cabinet she will not stand this year, because her father has been reinstated.
"It is difficult for women," says Anis Haroon, a caretaker minister for human rights and women. "It's non-traditional ground to tread, and women still bear the responsibility of home and children. Character assassination is easy in a patriarchal, conservative society. Women must work twice as hard to prove their worth." Last month, an election official in Lahore told the husband of prospective candidate Sadia Sohail that if she were elected, "the arrangements at your home will be ruined and no one will be there to attend your children".
Shahnaz Wazir Ali, of the incumbent Pakistan People's party, is a former education minister, and a parliamentarian since 1988, says: "There are social, cultural, and economic restrictions on women. A woman is constrained if she does not have her own strong financial base. You need a large establishment, funds, and a big family to gather resources and provide manpower."
She entered politics during General Zia ul-Haq's dictatorship through the women's rights protest movement. She has twice been elected to the National Assembly on women's reserve seats, but says contesting a direct seat remains an insurmountable challenge for many women. "People ask me why I don't go into general elections. It's just practically not possible for me. I have only one brother, who lives abroad. You've got to have brothers, cousins, uncles – we're a very male-dominated society."
Like Wazir Ali, most women in parliament entered through reserved quota seats. Their presence has had a big impact on legislation. Over the last term, a women's parliamentary caucus was formed, and a raft of pro-women laws introduced, criminalising forced marriage, acid crimes, and sexual harassment in the workplace. "A significant proportion of the business of the House, sometimes a majority, has been moved by women," says Wazir Ali. "Some men are prejudiced, but Pakistan's political context is changing."
While women at the top are increasingly active, election campaigns are directed by and aimed at men. "Political parties still try to reach women through men, either local power brokers like landlords or tribal elders, or the head of the family," explains Farzana Bari, head of gender studies at Quaid-e-Azam University. "Public rallies are mostly attended by men and parties do not address women directly as a constituency."
But the latest draft electoral rolls include 47.77 million men and only 36.59 million women. Gender divisions in Pakistan are roughly equal, meaning that around 10 million women are not registered to vote. Even door-to-door registration drives can be difficult in conservative areas of the country; women may be prohibited from speaking to men outside the family.
Yet quotas are having a trickle-down effect. This year, two women from the Federally Administered Tribal Area (Fata) made history by announcing that they will stand in elections. Fata, also known as Waziristan, is an ultra-conservative region bordering Afghanistan, beset by Taliban militancy. Women rarely leave the house without their husbands, and if allowed to vote, are directed by male relatives.
Badam Zari, one of the two, is a 40-year-old housewife with no children. In early April, her face covered by a colourful scarf, she announced on television that she would stand as an independent candidate. "I often wonder why I am left without education," she explains. "I want to educate other women, so they can do more for society." In a deeply patriarchal environment, she sought the permission of her male relatives. "I presented my wish to contest the election before my husband. He had no objection. After my husband's permission, other relatives did not object." Her decision is brave. In the 2008 election, around a third of women registered to vote in Fata were deterred by threats from Taliban militants. Zari says she has not received any threats, and will campaign as best she can. "I am asking people in my own village to vote for me. My husband and other supporters are campaigning. You know about the status and condition of women in our area, but I will visit areas where peace prevails."
Women in nearby provinces face similar difficulties. Gulana Bibi, an illiterate 60-year-old mother of five, is standing in Tank, a conservative, semi-tribal area in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa. "Women are deprived of their rights," she says. "The poor are deprived of their rights. Our leaders, limited to Islamabad, have no concern with the poor." Like Zari, she wants to give others the opportunities she has not had. "I am illiterate, but I will educate other women. I am not scared."
While she is dismissive of politicians drawn from the country's elite, the increased presence of women has clearly had a positive effect. "It has neutralised the notion that politics is just a male arena," says Bari.
There is a long way to go. Party structures remain male-dominated. The electoral gender gap is slowly reducing, but more could be done – proposals to discount constituencies with a female electorate of less than 10% were rejected.
But there is cause for optimism. "We have gone from zero to where we are today," says Haroon. The tribal women standing for election may not win, but their candidacy speaks volumes about the shift in women's aspirations and confidence – and it has nothing to do with Birkin bags. "We are all human beings," says Zari. "A male can set foot in parliament, so a female can too."